Siege of Amphipolis, 357 BC

Siege of Amphipolis, 357 BC

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Siege of Amphipolis, 357 BC

The siege of Amphipolis (357 BC) was an early victory for Philip II of Macedon, and saw him capture a key foothold in Thrace, although at the cost of permanently damaging his relationship with Athens.

Amphipolis was an important city just inland from the coast, to the east of Chalcidice. It had been founded by the Athenians in an attempt to control the Thracian coast, and the trade routes into the Black Sea. Possession of Amphipolis was a long-term Athenian aim, although the city had only been in their hands for a short time (between the city's foundation in 437 BC and its loss to the Spartans in 424 BC (followed by the Athenian defeat at the battle of Amphipolis in 422 BC)). In 359 Athens had agreed an alliance with Philip II, perhaps in the belief that he had promised to support their claim to the city.

According to Demosthenes Philip had promised to hand Amphipolis over to Athens once he had taken in, in return for Pydna, a Macedonian port that had been in Athenian hands since c.364 BC. However this was a secret treaty,

This alliance freed Philip to concentrate on his northern and western borders. First he defeated the Paeonian tribes, to the north of Macedon, and then in 358 he defeated King Bardylis of Illyria (battle of the Erigon Valley or Lyncus Plain). These victories pushed the Macedonian frontier further away from the Macedonian heartland.

In 357 BC Athens was weakened by the outbreak of the Social War (357-355 BC), triggered by a series of revolts against Athenian rule. Soon afterwards Philip attacked Amphipolis, either taking advantage of the Athenian weakness, or because that weakness reduced the value of the Athenian alliance. His pretext was that the people of Amphipolis were ill disposed towards him.

Diodorus gives us a brief account of the siege (Diodorus 16.8.2). Philip brought up his siege engines, and used battering rams in a severe and continuous assault on the wall. He soon created a breach in the wall and his troops stormed the city. After the fall of the city he exiled those who opposed him, but treated the rest of the inhabitants leniently. Demosthenes tells us that two envoys from Amphipolis (Hierax and Stratocles) reached Athens during 357 BC and asked the Athenians to take over their city,

Philip's success worried Olynthus, the leader of the Chalcidic League. Olynthus made overtures to Athens, but without success. They also entered into negotiations with Grabus, an Illyrian king. Philip responded with a counter offer. He promised to help restore League control of Potidaea, which had been an Athenian cleruchy since 361 and hand over the border territory of Anthemus. The Olynthians accepted Philip's offer, and agreed an alliance with him. One of the terms was an agreement not to enter into an alliance with Athens without Philip.

Soon after taking Amphipolis, Philip further expanded his power in the area. The Thracian king Cersobleptes attempted to capture the mining centre of Crenides, around the Pangaean Mountain. This was a centre of gold production, and so when the Crenideans appealed to Philip he was happy to help. Cersobleptes was forced back, and the scattered communities of Crenides were concentrated in one city, with the new name of Philippi.

Soon after these events Philip captured Pydna, at least according to Demosthenes with the help of traitors within the city.

Athens responded to the fall of Amphipolis by declaring war on Philip, triggering the ten year long 'War of Amphipolis'. Over the next decade the Athenians often planned to help Philip's enemies, but their forces almost always arrived too late to help, and the war was eventually ended by the Peace of Philocrates (346 BC), the same agreement that led to the end of the Third Sacred War.

Siege of Amphipolis, 357 BC - History

(a city surrounded by the sea), a city of Macedonia, through which Paul and Silas passed on their way from Philippi to Thessalonica (Acts 17:1) It was distant 33 Roman miles from Philippi, to the southwest, and about three miles from the sea. Its site is now occupied by a village called Neokhorio in Turkish Jeni-Keni , or "New Town."

A city of Macedonia, situated not far from the mouth of the river Strymon, which flowed "around the city," and thus occasioned its name. The village which now stands upon the site of the ancient city is called Empoli of Yamboli, a corruption of Amphipolis. It was visited by Paul and Silas, Acts 17:1.

am-fip'-o-lis (Amphipolis): A town in Macedonia, situated on the eastern bank of the Strymon (modern Struma or Karasu) some three miles from its mouth, near the point where it flows out of Lake Prasias or Cercinitis. It lay on a terraced hill, protected on the North, West and South by the river, on the East by a wall (Thuc. iv.102), while its harbor-town of Eion lay on the coast close to the river's mouth. The name is derived either from its being nearly surrounded by the stream or from its being conspicuous on every side, a fact to which Thucydides draws attention (in the place cited). It was at first called Ennea Hodoi, Nine Ways, a name which suggests its importance both strategically and commercially. It guarded the main route from Thrace into Macedonia and later became an important station on the Via Egnatia, the great Roman road from Dyrrhachium on the Adriatic to the Hebrus (Maritza), and it was the center of a fertile district producing wine, oil, figs and timber in abundance and enriched by gold and silver mines and considerable manufactures, especially of woolen stuffs. In 497 B.C. Aristagoras, ex-despot of Miletus, tried to settle there, and a second vain attempt was made in 465-464 by the Athenians, who succeeded in founding a colony there in 437 under the leadership of Hagnon. The population, however, was too mixed to allow of strong Athenian sympathies, and in 424 the town fell away to the Spartan leader Brasidas and defied all the subsequent attempts of the Athenians to recover it. It passed under the protectorate of Perdiccas and Philip of Macedon, and the latter finally made himself master of it in 358. On the Roman partition of Macedonia after the battle of Pydna (168 B.C.) Amphipolis was made a free city and capital of Macedonia Prima. Paul and Silas passed through it on their way from Philippi to Thessalonica, but the narrative seems to preclude a long stay (Acts 17:1). The place was called Popolia in the Middle Ages, while in modern times the village of Neochori (Turkish, Yenikeui) marks the site (Leake, Northern Greece, III, 181, Cousinery, Macedoine, I, 100, 122 Heuzey et Daumet, Mission archeol. de Macedoine, 165).

. Leaving the cause thus guarded behind them, Paul and Silas seek another field of
labor. (1) "And having passed through Amphipolis and Apollonia, they went into .
/. /mcgarvey/a commentary on acts of the apostles/acts xvii.htm

Letter xiv. To Gregory his Friend.
. so as to command the extent of the plains and the stream which bounds it, which
is not less beautiful, to my taste, than the Strymon as seen from Amphipolis. .
/. /basil/basil letters and select works/letter xiv to gregory his.htm

Second Missionary Journey
. it best to leave Philippi, Paul and his company passed on their way along the Egnatian
road through the two beautiful Greek cities of Amphipolis and Apollonia .
/. /sell/bible studies in the life of paul/study iv second missionary journey.htm

Paul and Silas in Thessalonica and Berea.
. Hence, upon leaving Philippi, they went forward to Thessalonica the capital of
Macedonia. "Now when they had passed through Amphipolis and Apollonia, they came .
/. /dick/lectures on the acts of the apostles/lecture xix paul and silas.htm

The Ministry of Paul in Thessalonica, Berea, Athens, and Corinth.
. CORINTH. AD52 TO AD54. After leaving Philippi, and passing through Amphipolis
and Apollonia, Paul made his way to Thessalonica. In .
/. /killen/the ancient church/chapter vii the ministry of.htm

Acts xvii. 1, 2, 3
. Homily XXXVII. Acts XVII. 1, 2, 3. Acts XVII.1, 2, 3 "Now when they had passed through
Amphipolis and Apollonia, they came to Thessalonica, where was a .
/. /chrysostom/homilies on acts and romans/homily xxxvii acts xvii 1.htm

Thessalonica and Berea
. THE ACTS CHAP. XIII TO END THESSALONICA AND BEREA. 'Now, when they had passed through
Amphipolis and Apollonia, they came to Thessalonica, where was a synagogue .
/. /maclaren/expositions of holy scripture the acts/thessalonica and berea.htm

Ep. Iv.
. And the river rushes roaring down, which to you is a Strymon of Amphipolis for
quietness, and there are not so many fishes in it as stones, nor does it flow .
/. /cyril/select letters of saint gregory nazianzen/ep iv.htm

Christian Worship.
. Even Paul preached Christ in the synagogues of Damascus, Cyprus, Antioch
in Pisidia, Amphipolis, Beraeea, Athens, Corinth, Ephesus. .
/. /history of the christian church volume i/section 52 christian worship.htm

Paul and Silas in Macedonia
. the city. After they had passed through Amphipolis and Apollonia, they
came to Thessalonica, where the Jews had a synagogue. As .
/. /sherman/the childrens bible/paul and silas in macedonia.htm

Apollonia (1 Occurrence)
. Easton's Bible Dictionary A city of Macedonia between Amphipolis and
Thessalonica, from which it was distant about 36 miles. Paul .
/a/apollonia.htm - 8k

Amphip'olis (1 Occurrence)
Amphip'olis. Amphipolis, Amphip'olis. Ample . Multi-Version Concordance
Amphip'olis (1 Occurrence). . Amphipolis, Amphip'olis. Ample . Reference Bible.
/a/amphip'olis.htm - 6k

Macedonia (23 Occurrences)
. He welded the Macedonian tribes into a single nation, won by force and fraud the
important positions of Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidaea, Olynthus, Abdera and .
/m/macedonia.htm - 40k

Philippi (8 Occurrences)
. of the people, and they were "shamefully entreated" (Acts 16:9-40 1 Thessalonians
2:2). Paul and Silas at length left this city and proceeded to Amphipolis (qv .
/p/philippi.htm - 36k

Thessalonica (8 Occurrences)
. He had been at Philippi, and traveled thence by the Egnatian Road, passing through
Amphipolis and Apollonia on the way (Acts 17:1). He found at Thessalonica a .
/t/thessalonica.htm - 25k

Journeyed (111 Occurrences)
. (WEY). Acts 17:1 And having journeyed through Amphipolis and Apollonia, they came
to Thessalonica, where was the synagogue of the Jews. (DBY). .
/j/journeyed.htm - 33k

Traveled (104 Occurrences)
. (See NIV). Acts 17:1 Now when they had passed through Amphipolis and Apollonia,
they came to Thessalonica, where there was a Jewish synagogue. (See NAS). .
/t/traveled.htm - 32k

Tiphsah (2 Occurrences)
. but Alexander the Great, in his pursuit constructed two bridges for the transport
of his army (Arrian iii.7). Under the Seleucids it was called Amphipolis. .
/t/tiphsah.htm - 9k

Acts 17:1
Now when they had passed through Amphipolis and Apollonia, they came to Thessalonica, where there was a Jewish synagogue.


The ancient sources for the Third Sacred War are scant, and generally lacking in firm chronological information. [3] [4] The main source for the period is Diodorus Siculus's Bibliotheca historica, written in the 1st century BC, which is therefore very much a secondary source. [5] Diodorus is often derided by modern historians for his style and inaccuracies, but he preserves many details of the ancient period found nowhere else. [6] [7] Diodorus worked primarily by epitomizing the works of other historians, omitting many details where they did not suit his purpose, which was to illustrate moral lessons from history his account of the Third Sacred War therefore contains many gaps. [3]

Beyond Diodorus, further details of the Sacred War can be found in the orations of Athenian statesmen, primarily Demosthenes and Aeschines, which have survived intact. [3] Since these speeches were never intended to be historical material, they must be treated with circumspection Demosthenes and Aeschines have been described as "a couple of liars, neither of whom can be trusted to have told the truth in any matter in which it was remotely in his interest to lie". [8] Nevertheless, their allusions in speeches to contemporary or past events indicate some of the gaps in Diodorus's account, and help with the arrangement of a chronology. The accounts of Diodorus, Demosthenes and Aeschines can be further supplemented by fragments of otherwise lost histories (such as that by Theopompus) and by contemporary epigraphic sources. [3] [4]

Modern historians' dates for the war have been hotly debated, with no clear consensus. [9] It is generally accepted that the war lasted 10 years, and ended in summer 346 BC (one of the few firm dates), which yields a date of 356 BC for the beginning of the war, with Philomelos's seizure of Delphi. [9] Diodorus's chronology for the sacred war is very confused—he dates the start and end of the war a year too late, variously says the war lasted 9, 10 or 11 years, and included the siege of Methone twice under different dates—and his dates cannot therefore be relied upon. [9]

After Philomelos's defeat at Neon, the Thebans thought it safe to send the general Pammenes to Asia with 5000 hoplites Pammenes probably met with Philip at Maroneia in 355 BC, presumably on his outward journey. [9] Buckler, the only historian to produce a systematic study of the sacred war, therefore places Neon in 355 BC, and suggests after the meeting with Pammenes, Philip went to begin the siege of Methone. [9] Other historians have placed Neon in 354 BC, because Diodorus says that the battle took place while Philip besieged Methone which Diodorus (at one point) places in 354 BC. [9] Disregarding the dates, most historians agree upon the same sequence of events for the first phases of the Sacred War. The principal question is therefore when that sequence started. Thus, Buckler (as well as Beloch and Cloche) dates Neon to 355 BC, Methone to 355–354 BC, Philip's first Thessalian campaign to 354 BC, and his second to 353 BC. [9] Conversely, Cawkwell, Sealey, Hammond and others lower all these dates by one year, beginning with Neon in 354 BC. [9] [10]

The war was ostensibly caused by the refusal of the Phocian Confederation to pay a fine imposed on them in 357 BC by the Amphictyonic League, a pan-Hellenic religious organisation which governed the most sacred site in Ancient Greece, the Temple of Apollo at Delphi. [11] The fine was occasioned by the Phocians's illegal cultivation of sacred land on the Kirrhaean plain, which they did not deny the fine was, however, far beyond the Phocians' ability to pay. [11] Under normal circumstances, refusal to pay the fine would have made the Phocians religious (and therefore political) outcasts in Greece, and liable to have a sacred war declared against them. [11] [12] [13]

Behind the religious element, there probably lay a display of realpolitik in bringing charges against the Phocians, instigated by the Thebans. The Phocians had declined to send troops on the Mantinea campaign of 362 BC, despite Theban requests, and this appears to have caused lasting enmity in Thebes. [14] By 357 BC, with the Athenians embroiled in the Social War, and Alexander of Pherae (an erstwhile ally of the Phocians) dead, the Thebans deemed that the chance to punish Phocis had come. [14] The Amphictyonic League was composed of 12 Greek tribes, primarily of central Greece (the Oetaeans, Boeotians, Dolopes, Phthian Achaeans, Locrians, Magnesians, Malians, Perrhaebians, Phocians, Pythians of Delphi and Thessalians), plus the Dorians (including Sparta) and the Ionians (including Athens), with each tribe having two votes in the council of the league. [15] Thebes had effectively become the 'protector' of the league in 360 BC, after the civil war had restarted in Thessaly the Thessalians having previously been the dominant power in the league. [16] Thus, at this time, Thebes controlled a majority of the votes in the council, and at the autumn meeting in 357 BC, the Thebans were able to have both the Phocians (for the cultivation of the sacred land) and the Spartans (for occupying Thebes some 25 years previously) denounced and fined. [14] Since the fines for both parties were "unjustifiably harsh", [11] the Thebans probably expected neither party to pay, and thus to be able to declare a sacred war on either. [17] There seems to have been some sympathy in Greece for the Phocians, since other states could see that "the Thebans. had used the Amphictyony to pursue petty and destructive vendettas". [17] [18]

The Phocians held a special conference to decide what action to take. Philomelos, a citizen of Ledon, advocated a pre-emptive policy of seizing Delphi (which was situated within the boundaries of Phocis), and asserting the ancient claim of Phocis to the presidency of the Amphictyonic League. [17] In this way, the Phocians could annul the judgment against themselves. [19] The Phocians voted in favour of his proposal, and Philomelos was appointed strategos autokrator (general with independent powers) by the confederacy, with his chief supporter Onomarchos also elected as strategos. [19] Philomelos travelled to Sparta to discuss his proposals with the Spartan king Archidamos III. Archidamos expressed his support, hoping that the Spartan fine would also be annulled, and gave Philomelos 15 talents to raise troops with. [20]

On his return to Phocis, Philomelos began assembling a mercenary army using the 15 talents from Archidamos, and also raised a force of 1000 peltasts from amongst the Phocian citizenry. [21] In approximately July 356 BC, Philomelos marched on Delphi, just before the end of the period in which the Phocians had been required to pay their fine. [21] He easily captured the city of Delphi, along with the sanctuary of Apollo. Philomelos captured the nobles of the Thrakidai family, who had probably been involved in imposing the fine on Phocis, and killed them, seizing their wealth to add to his treasury. [21] He promised the other Delphians that he would not harm them, although he had initially contemplated enslaving the whole city. [21]

Ozolian Locrian expedition to Delphi Edit

The news of Philomelos's move against Delphi resulted in a relief expedition being mounted by the Ozalian Locrians, probably mainly from Amphissa. [21] Philomelos's army met the Locrians in open battle on a small plain between the city of Delphi and the sanctuary, and routed them with heavy losses. Some prisoners were taken, and Philomelos had them thrown from the cliffs that tower over the sanctuary (the Phaidriadai rocks). [21] This was the traditional punishment for sacrilege against Apollo's temple, and through the means of this atrocity, Philomelos was asserting the Phocian claim to the presidency of the sanctuary. [21] Buckler observes that "in his first acts, Philomelos set a brutal stamp on the war". [21]

Fortification of Delphi Edit

After defeating the Locrians, Philomelos continued to strengthen his position in Delphi. He destroyed the stones which recorded the verdict against the Phocians, and abolished the government of the city, installing in its place a group of pro-Phocian Delphians, who had been in exile in Athens. [22] Philomelos ordered the sanctuary be fortified on the western side (natural features defended the other approaches), and a large limestone wall was constructed. [22] He then demanded that the priestess of Apollo (the Pythia) provide him with an oracle she replied that he "could do whatever he wanted". [23] Philomelos called that an oracle, and had it inscribed in the sanctuary, as was customary. [23] This pseudo-oracle provided Philomelos with supposed divine justification from Apollo for his actions. [23] He next sent embassies to all Greek states, asserting the Phocian claim to Delphi, and promising not to touch the treasury of Apollo Buckler suggests that he did not expect the Greeks to acquiesce to his actions, but hoped to draw support away from the Amphictyons. [23] The Spartans, as expected, endorsed Philomelos's actions, since their fine was now erased, whilst Athens also expressed support, following their general anti-Theban policies. [24]

Declaration of Sacred War Edit

However, Philomelos's embassies elsewhere met with failure. The Locrians demanded that the Amphictyons avenge them and Apollo, and the Thebans sent embassies to the other council members suggesting that a sacred war should be declared against Phocis. [25] This was assented to by most Greek states, including the Amphictyonic council members (minus Sparta and Athens), and those well-disposed to Thebes furthermore, otherwise uninvolved states declared support for the Amphictyonic for reasons of piety. [25] The Amphictyons seem to have decided that the year was too advanced to begin campaigning, and so agreed to launch military action the following year. They may have hoped that in the meantime, the Phocians' sacrilegious behaviour would cause them to reconsider their position. [26]

Following the declaration of war against Phocis, Philomelos decided he would need to substantially increase the size of his army. Rather than levy the Phocian citizen body, Philomelos decided to hire more mercenaries the only way he could afford to do this was by plundering the dedications in the treasury of Apollo. [27] That the treasury contained much wealth, from years of accumulated donations, is well-established it is estimated that the Phocians spent some 10,000 talents of Apollo's treasure during the war. [27] In order to overcome the reluctance of mercenaries to fight for a sacrilegious cause, Philomelos increased the rate of pay by half, which allowed him to recruit a force of 10,000 troops over the winter, for the forthcoming war. [27]

Conflict in Epicnemidian Locris and Phocis (c. 355 BC) Edit

The following spring, possibly upon hearing news that the Boeotians were ready to march against Phocis, Philomelos took the initiative and marched into Epicnemidian Locris. [28] Since the Phocian army would be outnumbered by the whole Amphictyonic levy, it is probable that he sought to defeat his enemies one by one, starting with the Locrians. [28] If he could defeat the Locrians, then he was in a position to occupy the narrow pass of Thermopylae and block the union of the Thessalian and Boeotian armies, the main Amphictyonic contingents. [28] Philomelos's army thus crossed into Locris, probably using the Fontana pass from Triteis to Naryx, or possibly the Kleisoura pass from Tithronion to the same general area of Locris. The Locrians sent a force of cavalry to oppose him, which the Phocians easily defeated. [28] However, this battle gave the Thessalians time to pass through Thermopylae and arrive in Locris. Philomelos immediately attacked the Thessalians, and defeated them near the town of Argolas, whose location is not definitively known. Buckler suggests, on the basis of topographical considerations, that the modern village of Mendenitsa must be ancient Argolas. [28]

Philomelos then laid siege to Argolas, but failed to capture it, and instead pillaged as much Locrian territory as possible. [28] The Boeotian army, under the command of Pammenes, then arrived on the scene, and rather than oppose them, Philomelos backed off, allowing the Boeotians to link up with the Locrians and Thessalians. [28] Philomelos had thus failed in his strategy of dealing with the Amphictyons separately, and he now faced an army at least equal in size to his own. He therefore decided to retreat before the Amphictyons could bring him to battle, and probably using the Kleisoura pass, he returned with his army to Phocis. [28]

Battle of Neon Edit

In response to Philomelos's retreat, Pammenes ordered the Amphictyonic force to cross into Phocis as well, probably by the Fontana pass, in order to prevent Philomelos marching on Boeotia. [29] The two armies converged on Tithorea (whose acropolis, Neon, gives the battle its name), where the Amphictyons brought the Phocians to battle. Details of the battle are scant, but the Amphictyons defeated the Phocians, and then pursued the survivors up the slopes of Mount Parnassos, slaying many. [29] Philomelos was injured, and rather than risk capture, threw himself off the mountain, falling to his death. [29] Onomarchos, who was second in command, managed to salvage the remainder of the army, and retreated to Delphi, whilst Pammenes retired to Thebes with the Boeotian army. [29]

The Amphictyons seem to have concluded that their victory at Neon had effectively ended the war, and the Phocians would sue for peace. [30] Otherwise, it is difficult to understand why Pammenes did not march on Delphi, or even sack the undefended Phocian cities in the Kephisos valley. [30] In failing to follow up their victory, the Amphictyons wasted the best opportunity they had during the course of the war to end it. [30] The Thebans seem to have been so sure that the war was ended that they agreed to send 5,000 hoplites under Pammenes to help the rebellion of the Persian satrap Artabazus, shortly after the Battle of Neon. [31] The Thebans needed the money Artabazos offered them, and although they had generally been on good terms with the Persian king, they obviously felt the offer was too good to refuse. [31] It is likely the troops were dispatched before the Phocian decision to fight on became clear, unless the Thebans thought that their remaining troops were a match for any army the Phocians could field. [32] This was to prove a serious mistake for the Thebans, and the Amphictyonic cause in general. [32]

Rather than contemplate surrender after the retreat from Neon, Onomarchos had rallied the Phocians, and insisted that they should continue the war. [33] A meeting of the Phocian Confederation was held to discuss the future course of action, to which their Athenian and Spartan allies were invited. [33] If they surrendered, the Phocians would face additional fines for their sacrilege, and for plundering the treasury however, to fight on meant perpetrating still further sacrilege, and effectively committed the Phocians to winning a total victory against the Amphictyons. [33] Whilst some were inclined towards peace, the majority were swayed by Onomarchos's orations and policies, quite possibly backed up by the threat of force from the mercenary army, and voted to continue the war. [33] Buckler highlights the particular importance of the Phocian mercenary force on the decisions made by (or for) the Phocian Confederation during the course of the war, and also the peculiar consequences it had for the Phocians: "The primary loyalty of that army would go to its commander and paymaster, not to the Phocian Confederacy. In effect, continued war forced the Phocians to put their faith in the hands of a man who could act regardless of their wishes but the responsibility for whose acts would be theirs." [33]

His position now secure, Onomarchos had his chief opponents arrested and executed, and confiscated their property to add to his war-chest. He then set about raising a new army, doubling the size of Philomelos's force, until he had 20,000 men and 500 cavalry at his disposal. [34] Raising such a large force required extensive depredations of Apollo's wealth bronze and iron dedications were melted down and recast as weapons, whilst gold and silver offerings were melted down and used to make coinage. [34] Although raising such a large army would have taken a considerable time, Onomarchos had the whole winter after Neon in which to do so. [34]

First Phocian campaign in Epicnemidian Locris (c. 354 BC) Edit

Phocian campaign in Doris (c. 354 BC) Edit

First Phocian campaign in Boeotia (c. 354 BC) Edit

First conflict in Thessaly (c. 354 BC) Edit

The Sacred War appears to have laid way for renewed conflict within Thessaly. The Thessalian Confederation were in general staunch supporters of the Amphictyonic League, and had an ancient hatred of the Phocians. [35] Conversely, the city-state of Pherae had allied itself with the Phocians. [36] In either 354 or 353 BC the ruling clan of the city of Larissa appealed to Philip II of Macedon to help them defeat Pherae. [37] [38] [39]

Thus, Philip brought an army into Thessaly, probably with the intention of attacking Pherae. [40] Under the terms of their alliance, Lycophron of Pherae requested aid from the Phocians, and Onormarchos dispatched his brother, Phayllos with 7,000 men [38] however, Philip repulsed this force before it could join up with the Pheraeans. [41] Onomarchos then abandoned the siege he was currently prosecuting, and brought his whole force into Thessaly to attack Philip. [38] It is possible that Onomarchos hoped to conquer Thessaly in the process, which would both leave the Thebans isolated (Locris and Doris having already fallen to the Phocians), and give the Phocians a majority in the Amphictyonic council, thus enabling them to have the war declared over. [42] Onomarchos probably brought with him 20 000 infantry, 500 cavalry and a large number of catapults, and outnumbered Philip's army. [38] [42] The exact details of the campaign that followed are unclear, but Onomarchos seems to have inflicted two defeats on Philip, with many Macedonians killed in the process. [43] [44] Polyaenus suggests that the first of Onomarchos's victories was aided by the use of the catapults to throw stones into the Macedonian phalanx, as it climbed a slope to attack the Phocians. [38] [45] After these defeats, Philip retreated to Macedon for the winter. [44] He is said to have commented that he "did not run away but, like a ram, I pulled back to butt again harder". [46]

Second Phocian campaign in Boeotia (c. 353 BC) Edit

In 353 BC, Onomarchos took advantage of the fact that Thebes, financially exhausted, sent out a troop of 5,000 Theban soldiers as mercenaries to support the revolt of Artabazus, satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia, against the Persian king. He led an attack against Locris and captured Thronion, which constituted a key strategic point on the route network of central mainland Greece. He turned south and invaded Doris and eventually Boeotia, where he was finally controlled by the allied Boeotians close to Chaeronea. [47]

Second conflict in Thessaly (c. 353 BC) Edit

Philip returned to Thessaly the next summer (either 353 or 352 BC, depending on the chronology followed), having gathered a new army in Macedon. [43] Philip formally requested that the Thessalians join him in the war against the Phocians the Thessalians, even if underwhelmed by Philip's performance the previous year, realistically had little choice if they wanted to avoid being conquered by Onomarchos's army. [48] [49] Philip now mustered all the Thessalian opponents of Pherae that he could, and according to Diodorus, his final army numbered 20,000 infantry and 3,000 cavalry. [43]

Pagasae Edit

At some point during his campaigns in Thessaly, Philip captured the strategic port of Pagasae, [50] which was in effect the port of Pherae. [51] It is unclear whether this was during the first or second campaign both Buckler and Cawkwell suggest that it took place in the second campaign, before the Battle of Crocus Field. [9] [51] By taking Pagasae, it is possible that Philip prevented Pherae from being reinforced by sea during his second campaign. Buckler suggests that Philip had learnt his lesson from the previous campaign, and intended to cut Pherae off from outside help before attacking it. [51] [52]

Battle of Crocus Field Edit

Meanwhile, Onomarchos returned to Thessaly to try to preserve the Phocian ascendancy there, with approximately the same force as during the previous year. [42] [43] Furthermore, the Athenians dispatched Chares to help their Phocian allies, seeing the opportunity to strike a decisive blow against Philip. [52] Subsequent events are unclear, but a battle was fought between the Macedonians and the Phocians, probably as Philip tried to prevent the Phocians uniting forces with the Pheraeans, and crucially, before the Athenians had arrived. [52] According to Diodorus, the two armies met on a large plain near the sea, probably in the vicinity of Pagasae. [52] Philip sent his men into battle wearing crown of laurel, the symbol of the Apollo "as if he was the avenger. of sacrilege, and he proceeded to battle under the leadership, as it were, of the god". [53] [54] In the ensuing battle, the bloodiest recorded in ancient Greek history, Philip won a decisive victory against the Phocians. In total, 6,000 Phocian troops were killed including Onomarchos, and another 3,000 taken prisoner. [44] Onomarchos was either hanged or crucified and the other prisoners drowned, as ritual demanded for temple-robbers. [43] These punishments were designed to deny the defeated an honourable burial Philip thus continued to present himself as the pious avenger of the sacrilege committed by the Phocians. [55]

Re-organisation of Thessaly Edit

It was probably in the aftermath of his victory (if not before) that the Thessalians appointed Philip archon of Thessaly. [48] [56] This was an appointment for life, and gave Philip control over all the revenues of the Thessalian Confederation, and furthermore made Philip leader of the united Thesslian army. [48]

Philip was now able to settle Thessaly at his leisure. He first probably finished the siege of Pagasae, to deny the Athenians a landing place in Thessaly. [56] Pagasae was not part of the Thessalian Confederation, and Philip therefore took it as his own, and garrisoned it. [57] The fall of Pagasae now left Pherae totally isolated. Lycophron, rather than suffer the fate of Onomarchos, struck a bargain with Philip, and in return for handing Pherae over to Philip, he was allowed, along with 2000 of his mercenaries, to go to Phocis. [57] Philip now worked to unite the traditionally fractious cities of Thessaly under his rule. He took direct control of several cities in western Thessaly, exiling the dissidents, and in one case refounding the city with a Macedonian population he tightened his control of Perrhaebia, and invaded Magnesia, also taking it as his own and garrisoning it "when finished, he was lord of Thessaly." [58]

Thermopylae Edit

Once satisfied with his reorganisation of Thessaly, Philip marched south to the pass of Thermopylae, the gateway to central Greece. [44] [54] [58] He probably intended to follow up his victory over the Phocians by invading Phocis itself, [58] a prospect which greatly alarmed the Athenians, since once he was past Thermopylae, he could also march on Athens. [44] The Athenians therefore dispatched a force to Thermopylae and occupied the pass there is some debate as to whether other contingents may have joined the Athenians at Thermopylae. The Athenians were certainly there, since the Athenian orator Demosthenes celebrated the defense of the pass in one of his speeches. [59] Cawkwell suggests that the Athenian force was the one that Diodorus says was dispatched under Nausicles consisting of 5,000 infantry and 400 cavalry, and that they were joined by the remnants of the Phocians and the Pheraean mercenaries. [54] However, Buckler argues that Diodorus never mentions Thermopylae, and the force under Nausicles was sent to help the Phocians the following year instead, he believes that another Athenian force held the pass unassisted. [59] Although it might have proved possible to force the pass, Philip did not attempt to do so, preferring not to risk a defeat after his great successes in Thessaly. [44] [59]

Meanwhile, the Phocians regrouped under Onomarchos's brother, Phayllos. After the huge Phocian defeats at Neon and Crocus Field, Phayllos had to resort to doubling the pay for mercenaries, in order to attract enough to replenish his army. [60] Despite their defeats however, the majority of the Phocians were still in favour of continuing the war. [60] Over the winter of that year, Phayllos engaged in diplomatic efforts to gather more support from Phocis's allies, and succeeding in widening the theatre of conflict in the next campaigning season. [60] Uniquely in Greek history, the Phocians were able to absorb huge losses in manpower, thanks to their pillaging of Temple of Apollo, a factor which was to contribute to the war dragging on indecisively until 346 BC. [60]

Third Phocian campaign in Boeotia (352 BC) Edit

First conflict in the Peloponnese (352 BC) Edit

Second Phocian campaign in Epicnemidian Locris (351 BC) Edit

Second conflict in the Peloponnese (351 BC) Edit

Fourth Phocian campaign in Boeotia (351 BC) Edit

Second Boeotian campaign in Phocis (349 BC) Edit

Fifth Phocian campaign in Boeotia (349 BC) Edit

Euboea (349–348 BC) Edit

Third Boeotian campaign in Phocis (348 BC) Edit

Sixth Phocian campaign in Boeotia (347 BC) Edit

Fourth Boeotian campaign in Phocis (347 BC) Edit

Philip had not involved himself in the Sacred War since his victory at the Crocus Field in 352 BC. In the meantime, it had become clear that the Sacred War could only be ended by outside intervention. [61] The Phocians had occupied several Boeotian cities, but were running out of treasure to pay their mercenaries conversely, the Thebans were unable to act effectively against the Phocians. [61] The Phocian general Phalaikos was removed from his command in 347 BC, and three new generals appointed, who successfully attacked Boeotia again. [62]

The Thebans appealed to Philip for aid, and he sent a small force to their assistance. [61] Philip sent force enough to honour his alliance with Thebes, but not enough to end the war—he desired the glory of ending the war personally, in the manner of his choosing, and on his terms. [61] [62]

Preliminaries Edit

Athens and Macedon had been at war since 356 BC, after Philip's capture of the Athenian colonies of Pydna and Potidea. Philip had then been drawn into the Sacred War, on behalf of the Thessalians, as described above. Since Athens was also a combatant in the Sacred War, the war between Athens and Macedon was inextricably linked with the progress of the Sacred War. In 352 BC, Philip's erstwhile ally, the Chalkidian League (led by Olynthos), alarmed by Philip's growing power, sought to ally themselves with Athens, in clear breach of their alliance with Philip. In response, Philip attacked Chalkidiki in 349 BC, and by 348 BC, had completely destroyed the Chalkidian League, razing Olynthos in the process. The prominent Athenian politician Philocrates had suggested offering Philip peace in 348 BC, during the Olynthian war. [63] The war between Athens and Philip thus continued through 347 BC, as did the Sacred War. [63]

In early 346 BC, Philip let it be known that he intended to march south with the Thessalians, though not where or why. [61] The Phocians thus made plans to defend Thermopylae, and requested assistance from the Spartans and the Athenians, probably around 14 February. [61] The Spartans dispatched Archidamus III with 1,000 hoplites, and the Athenians ordered everyone eligible for military service under the age of 40 to be sent to the Phocians' aid. [61] However, between the Phocians' appeal and the end of the month, all plans were upset by the return of Phalaikos to power in Phocis the Athenians and the Spartans were subsequently told that they would not be permitted to defend Thermopylae. [61] It is not clear from the ancient sources why Phalaikos was returned to power, nor why he adopted this dramatic change of policy. Cawkwell suggests, based on remarks of Aeschines, that the Phocian army restored Phalaikos because they had not been properly paid, and further that Phalaikos, realizing that the army could not be paid and that the Phocians could no longer hope to win the war, decided to try to negotiate a peace settlement with Philip. [64]

Peace between Macedon and Athens Edit

When the Athenians received this news, they rapidly changed policy. If Thermopylae could no longer be defended, then Athenian security could no longer be guaranteed. [64] By the end of February, the Athenians had dispatched an embassy, including Philocrates, Demosthenes and Aeschines, to Philip to discuss peace between Athens and Macedon. [64] The embassy had two audiences with Philip, in which each side presented their proposals for the terms of the peace settlement. The embassy then returned to Athens to present the proposed terms to the Athenian Assembly, along with a Macedonian embassy to Athens, empowered by Philip to finalize an agreement. [65] On 23 April, the Athenians swore to the terms of the treaty in the presence of the Macedonian ambassadors. [65]

Embassies to Philip Edit

After agreeing to the peace terms with Macedonian ambassadors in April, the Athenians dispatched a second embassy to Macedon, to extract the peace oaths from Philip this embassy travelled to Pella at a relaxed pace, knowing that Philip was away on campaign against the Thracian king Kersebleptes. [66] When they arrived, the Athenians (again including Demosthenes and Aeschines) were rather surprised to find embassies from all the principal combatants in the Sacred War were also present, in order to discuss a settlement to the war. [67]

When Philip returned from Thrace he received both the Athenian and other embassies. [67] The Thebans and Thessalians requested that he take the leadership of Greece, and punish Phocis conversely, the Phocians, supported by the Spartans and the Athenian delegations, pleaded with Philip not to attack Phocis. [67] Philip, however, delayed making any decisions "[he] sought by every means not to reveal how he intended to settle things both sides were privately encouraged to hope that he would do as they wanted, but both were bidden not to prepare for war a peacefully arranged concordat was at hand" he also delayed taking the oaths to the Peace of Philocrates. [68] Military preparations were ongoing in Pella during this period, but Philip told the ambassadors that they were for a campaign against Halus, a small Thessalian city which held out against him. [68] He departed for Halus before making any pronouncements, compelling the Athenian embassy to travel with him only when they reached Pherae did Philip finally take the oaths, enabling the Athenian ambassadors to return home. [68]

Occupation of Thermopylae Edit

It was in the aftermath of finally ratifying the Peace that Philip applied the coup de grace. He had persuaded the Athenians and other Greeks that he and his army was heading for Halus, but it seems certain that he also sent other units straight to Thermopylae. [68] Thus, when he swore oaths to the Athenian assembly in Pherae, his troops were already very close to Thermopylae by the time the Athenian ambassadors arrived home (9 July), Philip was already in possession of the pass. [68] By delaying the oaths, and making what was effectively a feint against Halus, he prevented the Athenians from seeing their imminent danger, and from having time to garrison the Thermopylae. [69] [70]

Peace settlement Edit

All of central and southern Greece was now at Philip's mercy, [70] and the Athenians could not now save Phocis even if they abandoned the peace. [71] However, the Athenians were still ignorant of this turn of events when Phocian ambassadors came to Athens to plead for military aid around 9 July. [71] The Athenian council recommended that the peace be rejected, and Thermopylae be occupied in order to help save Phocis since, as far at the Athenian embassy knew, Philip's troops were still in Pherae, there seemed to be ample time to occupy the pass. [71] By 12 July the news that Philip was "in the gates" arrived in Athens the Athenians then knew that the situation was hopeless, and instead of acting on the previous recommendation of the council, the Assembly instead passed a motion re-affirming the Peace of Philocrates. [71]

Now that he was in control of Thermopylae, Philip could be certain of dictating the terms of the end of the Sacred War, since he could now use force against any state that did not accept his arbitration. He began by making a truce with Phalaikos on 19 July Phalaikos surrendered Phocis to him, in return for being allowed to leave with his mercenaries and go wherever he wished. [70] [72] Cawkwell suggests that Phalaikos probably collaborated with Philip in 346 BC, allowing Philip to take Thermopylae in return for lenience for him and his men. [69] Otherwise, it is difficult to see how Philip could have advertised his campaign so far in advance (and been so confident of success), and yet not been stopped at Thermopylae. [69] Philip restored to Boeotia the cities that Phocis had captured during the war (Orchomenos, Coroneia and Corsiae), and then declared that the fate of Phocis would not be decided by him, but by the Amphictyonic Council. This caused great panic in Athens, since the Phocians could never hope for mercy from the Amphictyons, and since Athens had also (having allied with Phocis) shared in the same sacrilege. [73] However, it is clear that Philip was dictating the terms behind the scenes [74] [75] allowing the Amphictyons the formal responsibility allowed him to dissociate himself from the terms in the future. [74]

In return for ending the war, Macedon was made a member of the Amphictyonic council, and given the two votes which had been stripped from Phocis. [73] This was an important moment for Philip, since membership of the Ampictyony meant that Macedon was now no longer a 'barbarian' state in Greek eyes. [76] The terms imposed on Phocis were harsh, but realistically Philip had no choice but to impose such sanctions he needed the support of the Thessalians (sworn enemies of Phocis), and could not risk losing the prestige that he had won for his pious conduct during the war. [70] [77] However, they were not as harsh as some of the Amphictyonic members had suggested the Oeteans had demanded that the traditional punishment for temple robbers of being pushed over a cliff be carried out. [73] Aside from being expelled from the Amphictyonic council, all the Phocian cities were to be destroyed, and the Phocians settled in 'villages' of no more than fifty houses the money stolen from the temple was to be paid back at a rate of 60 talents per year [75] He did not, however, destroy the Phocians, and they retained their land. [73] The Athenians, having made peace with Philip, were not penalised by the Amphictyonic council, and the Spartans also seem to have escaped lightly. [b] [78] Philip presided over the Amphictyonic festival in the autumn, and then much to the surprise of the Greeks, he went back to Macedon and did not return to Greece for seven years. He did however retain his access, by garrisoning Nicaea, the closest town to Thermopylae, with Thessalian troops. [78]

The destruction of the Phocian cities and the heavy fine imposed on the Phocian confederation certainly caused the Phocians to bear a grudge against Philip II. Seven years later the Locrians brought charges against the Athenians in the amphictyonic council and a special session of the council was set in order to deal with that matter. The Athenians, however, did not send envoys and neither did the Thebans. This was a clear insult to the council and Philip II intervened once more as a regulator. The Fourth Sacred War broke out, ending in the total subjugation of Greece to the kingdom of Macedonia. The Phocians recovered gradually from the repercussions of the Third Sacred War and managed to be reinstated in the Amphictyony in 279 BC, when they joined forces with the Aetolian League fighting against the Gauls. However, a serious side-loss of the Third Sacred War remained the destruction of a large number of ex votos and other precious offerings to the sanctuary of Apollo, which deprived not only the sanctuary itself but also the later generations of some magnificent pieces of art.

Philip of Macedonia

Philip II was born as the youngest son of the King of Macedonia during the era of the Theban Hegemony. He was taken as a hostage to Thebes for much of his youth, and there learned the military arts and diplomacy at the court of Epaminondas. This had a profound effect on upon the young man, and he returned to Macedonia at age 22 with advanced ideas for the reorganization of his father's kingdom.

After the deaths of his elder brothers, Philip became king of Macedonia in 359 B . C ., and immediately began to put into practice some of his ideas for reforming the military and administration of his kingdom. He first turned his attention to the surrounding hill tribes and established Macedonian authority all over the surrounding regions. Over the next few years he attacked several of the major towns on the Thracian sea-board, and expanded Macedonian influence over Thrace. Eventually he was emboldened to take Amphipolis, a very important colony formerly allied with Athens, which controlled the gold mines of Pangion. (This town later was renamed Philipolis, and was the subject of Paul's letters To the Philippians .) During this period, Athens was attempting to rebuild her empire, but suffered numerous setbacks, and Philip used his behind-the-scenes influence to encourage several colonies to revolt. Some statesmen, such as Demosthenes, could see the danger of the increasingly influential Macedonians, and railed against him, but to no permanent avail. During this period Philip also married Olympias, a princess of Epirus, and his son Alexander was born.

In 355 B . C . the Sacred War broke out and Philip used this war to further his own aims. The sacred war was fought primarily in Phocis and Boeotia, but involved all of the cities of the Amphictyonic Council which were charged with protecting the temple of Delphi. By offering to "come to the defense" of Delphi, and with generous use of his newly won gold mines, he established "friendly" relations with ambassadors throughout Greece, and used these diplomatic relationships to create alliances and increase his influence, just as effectively as he used force in Thrace. By 352 he had brought all of Thessaly under his control, but was finally resisted at the pass of Thermopylae by an army of united Greeks, led by Athens and Sparta. This was but a temporary setback however. Later that year he won a terrific victory over the Phocians, which gave him nearly complete control of northern Greece. He did not attempt to bring his armies south for six more years however, and preoccupied himself by furthering his influence and consolidating power in the Balkans, while continuing to interfere in the affairs of the southern Greeks by diplomatic means. Eventually he brought all of the northern cities formerly allied with Athens under his control, and even inspired Euboea to rebel from Athens.

During the period after the Sacred Wars, Demosthenes continued to rail against Philip, but political opinion in Athens was not united against him, and the city did nothing. Sparta, refused to make an alliance with Philip, but on the other hand, did not take a leadership position in resisting him, since her dominions in the Peloponnese were not immediately threatened. Most of Philips military activity during this period continued to be in Thrace, where he won uniform victories until, in 339 B . C ., embarking on an unsuccessful siege of Byzantium. This military set back provided an opening for his enemies in southern Greece, who took the opportunity to unite against him. Thebes and Athens led a united Greek army at the

New inscriptions found

Greek news site Ekathimerini reports that new evidence has emerged that may finally solve the mystery of the tomb’s original owner.

During a conference in Thessaloniki, Peristeri and her head architect Michalis Lefantzis announced that they found three inscriptions within the Amphipolis tomb with the monogram of Hephaestion, a general, and the closest friend of Alexander the Great. The inscriptions are project contracts for the construction of the monument.

According to the Greek Reporter , the inscriptions suggest that the monument was commissioned by a powerful individual of that era, and Peristeri maintains that individual may have been Alexander himself.

The monogram of Hephaestion found in three separate inscriptions within the Amphipolis tomb. Credit: Greek Ministry of Culture

Siege of Amphipolis, 357 BC - History

I n the winter of 424 BC, the Spartan commander Brasidas drew near the city and appealed to the residents who were troubled under the Athenian rule.As a result of this, he was able to capture the colony without any bloodshed.

Philippi Photo Credit: Leonora (Ellie) Enking

The Athenians received the bad news and sent Thucydides to the rescue but it was rather late. Brasidas had already gathered allied forces from nearby locations. The loss of Amphipolis played a pivotal role in Athens holding Thucydides responsible and exiling him.

But despite Sparta’s victory, the lack of permanent reinforcements resulted in Brasidas entering a truce with Athens in order to keep the ground he had gained.

The Lion of Amphipolis Photo Credit: Derek Winterburn

And although there were voices calling for a peaceful solution from both sides, the Athenian statesmen and general Kleon wanted to keep fighting. And when he was elected as one of Athen’s strategists, the fight for Amphipolis resumed.

He made sure new reinforcements from Thrace and Macedonia arrive alongside the Athenian soldiers but emerged as a hesitant general thought out the fight, sending contradictory signals to his men regarding the timing of the attack or retreat.

Lion of Amphipolis Photo Credit: Andy Montgomery

Brasidas has a much more specific plan but couldn’t match Athens’ numerical superiority. He had positioned his men in an area so as to have full view of the opponent’s moves and planned to move forward in two different stages. However, before his plan could be set into motion, the Athenian’s retreated back to Eion Port.

After a two year on and off struggle, Sparta finally captured Amphipolis but during the battle, both Brasidas and Kleon were killed.

The remains of the ancient bridge over the River Strymon near Amphipolis Photo Credit: Claire Cox

As far as Thucydides is concerned, his discharge brought up a different course for his life and for humanity as he was then fully devoted in recording events.

In the aftermath of the Amphipolis battle, hostility between Sparta and Athens was decreased. And the death of both Brasidas and Kleon spurred efforts to bring peace, a treaty for which was brought by Nicias. It called for fifty years of reconciliation but was broken within a decade.


Pollux once showed off the award he received after he won the games at Amphipolis.("Winner Take All")

At one point, Strife suggested that Ares start a rockslide in Amphipolis and blame it on the Poteidaians.

Backstory [ edit | edit source ]

Xena grew up in her mother, Cyrene's tavern with her brothers Lyceus and Toris. Her father, Atrius, was often abroad at war for long periods. Either he suddenly returned home from war one day and conceived Xena with Cyrene (it was suggested, however, that it was in fact Ares in Atrius's form). Later, he tried to murder the baby Xena and was killed by Cyrene.

Much later, when Xena was growing up Amphipolis was attacked by the warlord Cortese. Xena rallied the villagers to defend themselves, resulting in the death of Lyceus and many other villagers and the estrangement of Toris. Many of the villagers blamed her and hated her for their deaths. Xena drove Cortese's army away and began to take control of the surrounding villages as a "buffer zone" against further attacks. This began Xena's path of darkness, which led eventually to her becoming the "Destroyer of Nations".

XWP Season 1 [ edit | edit source ]

Around ten years large, Xena returned home to Amphipolis, perhaps in the hope of reconciling with her mother. On arriving her mother Cyrene disowned her and the villagers told her to leave. Unfortunately, the warlord Draco had followed Xena and threatened the village. Xena was able to defeat Draco and proved to Cyrene that she had indeed changed. Xena, with Gabrielle in tow, then departed to begin her quest for redemption in earnest."(Sins of the Past")

XWP Season 2 [ edit | edit source ]

In an alternate reality shown to her by the Fates, Xena discovered that if she had refused to defend Amphipolis years before, Lyceus would indeed still be alive, living with Xena and her fiancé Maphias in Amphipolis. But while Lyceus lived, Cyrene had been killed instead. The warlord Mezentius ruled the village with Gabrielle as his slave, calling her his "sweet thing". Xena was unable to abide this dark reality, particularly when Gabrielle killed Mezentius with a savage delight. Realizing that this reality wasn't worth it, Xena drew the blood of another warlord and returned to the normal timeline. ("Remember Nothing")

No long thereafter, the villagers of Amphipolis were locked up in a cave by Callisto, who intended to burn them all alive in revenge for the (accidental) fiery destruction of Cirra by Xena years before. Xena chased Callisto to Amphipolis and managed to free the villagers. ("Intimate Stranger")

XWP Season 3 [ edit | edit source ]

XWP Season 4 [ edit | edit source ]

XWP Season 5 [ edit | edit source ]

XWP Season 6 [ edit | edit source ]

At some point following their entombment in ice, Mephistopheles, the King of Hell, used Cyrene's inn as a beachhead for his takeover of the mortal realm, sending vengeful spirits to haunt the inn and torture any who set foot within. Cyrene herself was seen as the source of these demons, and was burned as a witch. When Xena and Gabrielle finally awoke, they were horrified to learn what had happened. They resolved to stop Mephistopheles, with Xena eventually bringing him to the mortal realm and then killing him, freeing Cyrene's spirit and banishing the demons back to Hell.

Unfortunately, the portal to Hell remained open, and proceeded to corrupt the colonists who had come to repopulate Amphipolis. Seeking to save the town and avert her new destiny to become the Queen of Hell, Xena tricked the archangel Lucifer into committing the Seven Deadly Sins, turning him into a new archdemon and the new King of Hell.

Battle of Tanagra (457 BC)

Battle of Tanagra in 457 BC was a battle in the Megarid between the Athenians and Corinthians, and campaign of Lacedaemonians in Doris.

An Athenian army, 15,000 strong, under the conduct of Myronides, entered Boeotia to protect its independence and delivered battle at Tanagra in 457 BC. The two armies met at Tanagra in a battle marked by bloody slaughter on both sides.

Spartan warrior
Animated by this exhortation, they fought with so much valour that they all perished but the Athenians lost the battle by the treachery of the Thessalian. This defeat, however, was repaired a few weeks afterwards, by a complete victory over the Thebans at Cenophytam in the plain of Tanagra.

There was great slaughter on both sides but the Thessalian horsemen deserted during the combat, and the Lacedaemonians gained victory.

The Spartan won the day but quickly withdrew fighting through the Megarid, their ability to capitalize in the victory an early sign of vulnerability to casualties because of the chronic lack of citizen manpower at Sparta.

The victory was not sufficiently decisive to enable the Lacedaemonians to invade Attica but it served to secure them an unmolested retreat, after partially ravaging the Megarid through the passes of the Geraneia.
Battle of Tanagra (457 BC)


Demosthenes is one of the most famous orators of ancient times, and many of his speeches were preserved and studied by students of rhetoric for hundreds of years. He lived some years after the Golden age of Athens in a period of decline, and constantly exhorted his fellow-citizens to return to their former habits of courage and self-reliance, but to little avail. His great nemesis was Philip II of Macedonia, who during the lifetime of Demosthenes was slowly becoming an over-lord of all of Greece using both military and diplomatic methods. Demosthenes warned against acquiescing to Philip, but failed to inspire his townsmen to act until it was too late.

The story of Demosthenes evolution as an orator is especially notable because he was not a naturally talented or confident speaker as a youth, but rather, a relatively poor one. He gained his reputation mainly through hard work, and improved his speaking abilities by various methods such as shouting to be heard above the crashing of the ocean waves, and spending many hours in his studio preparing his speeches. He eventually became a prosperous lawyer and when Philip of Macedonia began involving himself in the affairs of Greece, he became increasingly involved in politics.

In around 357 B . C . Athens became involved in a Social War with some of her colonies. At nearly the same time, the Sacred War broke out between Thebes and Phocis. Philip II used both of these conflicts to increase his influence over northern Greece and several of Athens' allies in the Aegean. Demosthenes saw the danger of Philip's designs early and began delivering speeches warning of the Macedonian threat, but many of his fellow-citizens were willing to make alliances with Philip in order to oppose Thebes and avoid going to war. Philip's encroachments and Demosthenes' warnings persisted for many years before the fatal Battle of Chaeronea , after which Athens submitted to an alliance under terms highly favorable to Macedonia. For the next twelve years, Demosthenes had no real choice but to submit to Macedonian rule, and only by the intervention of a well respected general was he spared permanent exile. On the death of Alexander in 323 B . C . however, he helped inspire a rebellion against Macedonia. When the rebellion was put down, he fled to a temple and there ended his own life.


Brasidas was one of the most important Spartan generals in first decade of the Peloponnesian War. He won his first laurels by the relief of Methone, which was besieged by the Athenians (431 B . C .). Later (425) he distinguished himself in the assault on the Athenian position at Pylos, during which he was severely wounded. It was the following year, however, that he began a campaign of conquest in Thrace that brought Sparta some of its greatest successes in the war, and put them in a strong position during the negotiations of the Peace of Nicias in 421.

In 424 B . C . year, while Brasidas mustered a force at Corinth for a campaign in Thrace, he frustrated an Athenian attack on Megara, and immediately afterwards marched through Thessaly at the head of 700 helots and 1000 Peloponnesian mercenaries to join the Macedonian king Perdiccas. His good nature and excellent statesmanship helped him win many of the towns in the region to the Spartan cause. The most important of these was Amphipolis, which had previously been an ally of Athens. When Athens found out the Spartans were approaching Amphipolis they sent Thucydides with a fleet to intervene, but he did not arrive in time to save the city. It was for this offense that Thucydides, who later wrote the famous history of the Peloponnesian War, was exiled from Athens.

In the spring of 423 B . C . a truce was concluded between Athens and Sparta, but its effectiveness was at once imperilled by Brasidas's refusal to give up Scione. The town had revolted two days after the truce began and Brasidas shortly afterward occupied Mende. An Athenian fleet under Nicias and Nicostratus recovered Mende and blockaded Scione, which fell two years later (421 B . C .). In April 422 Cleon, leader of the war party in Athens was despatched to Thrace, where he prepared for an attack on Amphipolis. But a carelessly conducted reconnaissance gave Brasidas the opportunity for a vigorous and successful sally. The Athenian army was routed with a loss of 600 men and Cleon was slain. On the Spartan side only seven men are said to have fallen, but amongst them was Brasidas. He was buried at Amphipolis with impressive pomp, and for the future was regarded as the founder of the city and honoured with yearly games and sacrifices.

Brasidas united the personal courage characteristic of Spartans with those virtues in which the typical Spartan was most signally lacking. He was quick in forming his plans and carried them out without delay or hesitation, and with an oratorical power rare amongst the Lacedaemonians he combined a conciliatory manner which everywhere won friends for himself and for Sparta.

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